The Future of Ireland cannot be left to competing shades of Nationalism
Today, Trade Unionists, Socialists and people of the Broad Left all over the world celebrate our collective solidarity and renew our commitment to the universal Egalitarian cause of liberty and freedom from want.
This relaunch of the Labour Trade Unionist Section is also taking place against the centenary of the establishment of Northern Ireland on Monday May 3rd. In this regard, I invite you to focus on the debate around a Border Poll which is intensifying against the background of Brexit, the potential of Scottish independence and the shifting demographics of Ulster.
There is a curious aspect to the verbiage emanating from the three parties of the Nationalist/Republican tradition.
On one hand Sinn Fein is repeatedly calling for a poll imminently, while offering very little in terms of detail on a vision for the ‘New Ireland’.
Meanwhile, both Fine Gael and Fianna Fail are emphasising a requirement for a process of deliberative consultation before it is called, without bringing forward any legislative proposal for a forum to facilitate it.
It would seem all of them are relying on the debate about whether or when the poll should be called as means of avoiding commitment on any detailed vision of Ireland post-unification.
Indeed, it has fallen to our own spokesperson Brendan Howlin, over the last few years, to repeatedly call for the establishment of a forum or assembly to consider what a United Ireland would mean.
As Trade Unionists, we are conscious of the uniqueness of the Trade Union Congress as the only all island mass organisation in civil society which has successfully transcended all divisions throughout its 127 year history, having retained the allegiance of virtually all organised workers in both jurisdictions.
Not only is it appropriate that we would focus our attention on the future political shape and character of our island, which is already in gestation, but it is absolutely essential that we lose no more time in doing so.
For in the absence of a central role by the Trade Union Movement and the ‘Left’, the future will be exclusively determined by the contest between the competing shades of nationalism, both orange and green, with potentially the most detrimental consequences for everyone.
Therefore, it is imperative that we, who are informed by the legacy of Connolly, intervene to counsel against any proposition that a vibrant sustainable democracy can be constructed on the basis of a sectarian headcount, most especially one which results in a 50% plus 1, conclusion.
Such a result would present the very real danger of a reversal into the ‘carnival of reaction’ which he correctly predicted would accompany partition, to the power of ten.
Moreover, even if the worst does not unfold, we can be absolutely sure that amidst all the controversy around flags, anthems and emblems, the real material interests of the great majority of the people which are encapsulated in the term ‘Economic Equality,’ will be kicked down the road once again.
The Nationalist/Republican parties cannot decide when the border poll is called. However, what they can do and it seems to be what they are doing, is indulge in vacuous semantics while critically valuable time is elapsing, so that we all drift into a crisis when the poll is actually looming.
Their failure to address the responsibility of offering a coherent, credible and attractive vision of the ‘United Ireland’, which is supposedly the ‘raison d’etre’ for their existence does not excuse us in the Labour Movement of our obligations in this regard.
This entails challenging ourselves with thinking through the parameters of a constitutional arrangement which could potentially gain the allegiance of the ‘Irish Irish’, the ‘British Irish’ and the New Irish, addressing legitimate apprehensions and providing a basis upon which we can collectively share our beautiful island.
While the Nationalist/Republican parties have chosen to avoid the issue, there are always exceptions. I refer you to a thoughtful and well-crafted paper entitled ‘The political, economic and legal consequences of Irish reunification’ delivered to Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge by Deputy Jim O Callaghan TD, Fianna Fail, on 23rd March.
We haven’t met and probably wouldn’t agree on very much, but I do want to acknowledge his articulation of a number of important concepts, including the requirement for a totally new constitution. Most significantly, he proposes that it would specify a requirement for ‘Unionist’ ministers in all governments post-unification. He also advocates the retention of the arrangements acknowledging both UK and Irish Citizenship which currently apply as well as a strengthened ‘East -West’ dimension.
As one who has served as General President of SIPTU, which organises in both jurisdictions and also as President of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU), I strongly support these propositions.
Moreover, I believe that a new constitution should specify a significant minimum requirement in terms of the number of ‘Unionist’ ministers and the proportion of cabinet seats they would occupy, so as to avoid any suggestion of ‘tokenism’.
In addition, I would argue for the retention of a devolved administration in the area which currently constitutes ‘Northern Ireland,’ reformed to facilitate the development of an ‘opposition’, but subject to a requirement for a cross community administration with distribution of ministerial portfolios’ on a strict 50:50 ratio as between the democratically elected representatives of both identities.
These provisions should be underpinned by a requirement for majorities in both communities in the entire Island, in any referendum to amend them.
All these measures are essential to offer reassurance against the danger of any form of sectarian majoritarianism in reverse, which must be absolutely primary. However, as a secondary consideration they could open the way to a bespoke agreement, involving both Britain and the EU, in which the North would continue to enjoy the ‘best of both worlds’ status on trade and the UK subvention could be phased out over a prolonged period in order to enable economic growth to help bridge the fiscal gap.
Some would see any formula along these lines as ‘institutionalising sectarianism’, but its’ simply about recognising the reality on the ground. Look at Belgium, a modern European Country in which a population of 11.5 million people, approaching twice that of our island distributed between the two dominant, but decidedly different nationalities, live together successfully in peace and prosperity, sharing a land area less than one third of the 32 counties.
Indeed, the people of Flanders and Wallonia are so culturally and ethnically different that they speak different languages in their everyday lives.
Cabinet positions are distributed strictly on a 50:50 basis, although the Flemings outnumber the Walloons again by almost 2:1, (1.8:1). The constitutional arrangements, which require a two thirds majority to amend by referendum, entail a whole sophisticated system of checks and balances including the extensive devolution of power to regional parliaments.
While some on the Right may criticise Belgium as bureaucratic and cumbersome, it nonetheless ranks among the top one third in the EU in terms of GNI per capita and it is among the least unequal countries in the Union.
People across the Island will be interested in how the unfolding scenario will affect them. Yes, they will want to know how their identity will be respected, but they will also want to know, for example, if they will enjoy a constitutional right to housing and the highest quality health care universally available and free at the point of use. They will want to know what pensions they will receive and when?
The more insightful will demand a right to representation at work for the purpose of collective bargaining on pay and conditions of employment. It is essential that these concerns and others which determine real quality of life are not diverted into symbolically important and highly emotional confrontation around anthems, flags and emblems between the competing nationalisms, so that they can be slickly parcelled off in aspirational phraseology by skilful constitutional wordsmiths.
Seeing that this does not happen is down to the Trade Union Movement and the Left. As custodians of the legacy of Connolly, we have a special responsibility in this regard. Of course, no political party or civil society organisation should exclusively determine the character of the new Ireland.
However, our task is to assert the centrality of the issues which determine the quality of life of all the People of this Island.
So today, on International Workers Day, I urge you to reach out to Trade Unionists North and South and to others on the Left, to promote the idea of a Common Platform to this end, eschewing any semblance of sectarian majoritarianism.
The proposition of such a Platform must entail a complete break with the past, outlining a formula for sharing our beautiful Island on the basis of the principle of absolute and complete parity of esteem. It must offer a detailed vision of an entirely new Republic of ‘Shared Ireland’ in which all of us irrespective as to whether we are ‘Irish Irish’, or ‘British Irish’ or ‘New Irish’ and our children and their children of the generations not yet born can live in peace, harmony and prosperity based on the principles of mutual respect, individual liberty and economic and social equality. As democrats we understand that the real strength of a Democracy lies not in head counts, but in its capacity to value and protect the interests of minorities.
Presumably, a Constitutional Convention with equal representation from both traditions and possibly the ‘New Irish’as well, would be established to draft a new constitution, after polls in both jurisdictions approved unification. However, it is worth considering the idea of a plebiscite in the Republic to approve the kind of principles I am outlining today in advance of the Border Poll.
Every good wish with your work on behalf of the working people of Ireland over the years ahead.
This article was written by Labour Party Chair, Jack O’Connor and delivered as a speech to delegates at the relaunch of the Labour Trade Unionist section of the Labour Party on MayDay 2021.
